Robert B. Roque, Jr.
Iran may be at a critical turning point like no other – unmistakably ripe for revolution. Just as the Islamic Republic itself was born from a revolution, a new generation now spills into the streets, fighting for more than just economic ease, but for long-lost freedoms.
The fall of the Shah (king) in 1979 promised dignity, independence, and moral clarity that was embraced despite an extreme ideological shift driven by faith. But nearly five decades on, that promise rings hollow for a nation that has lived in isolation instead of influence, repression instead of renewal, and sanctions instead of stability.
At present, Iran has a young population. They are connected and increasingly global. Credit that to studies and work abroad, many of whom found themselves in countries like the Philippines. And so they return to Iran with a wide-eyed realization of how competitiveness in a modern economy demands openness and not clerical stiffness.
Unfortunately, these aspirations for freer movement of capital, ideas, women, and talent are not allowed to thrive under a state that polices dress codes more aggressively than productivity.
So many look outside and remember their very own: Reza Pahlavi. He is the displaced heir of the last Shah, who was once groomed for the Peacock Throne but is now a stateless exile shaped by loss and deprived of the titles of monarchy.
Four decades in exile have stripped him of imperial pretensions and, paradoxically, returned him to relevance. This time, though, he does not sell restoration of their family’s past glory, but a more reasonable proposal: a 100-day interim plan, a referendum, and the insistence that Iranians, not dynasties, should here on out decide their future.
Sanctions have already crippled Iran’s ability to plan beyond the short term, thanks to its Islamic leaders’ pursuit of nuclear capability. Its veiled acts of supporting extremist groups abroad that brought terror to the free world only kept Iran in further isolation and risked turning the country into collateral damage in larger power games.
Add to that, alignments with Russia amid Ukraine’s invasion, or with China, which throws its weight around the South China Sea, that have placed Iran on the wrong side of a global order.
Yes, some smell foreign intelligence at work amid mass civil unrest, and maybe it’s true that the CIA has a hand in it – who knows? But when the United States — under President Donald Trump — warned Tehran not to unleash lethal force on protesters, threatening consequential action if demonstrators were shot, the Islamic government knew its time was nearing checkmate.
While Trump’s warning sounds like reassurance for some Iranians, what is valuable for the nation is that domestic liberation must be driven by Iranian hands, not foreign boots.
Internally, it is enough that women are not given equal chances, even if they deserve participation as professionals, executives, scientists, and leaders — roles incompatible with rigid ways of Iran’s religious order. Many young Iranians, in fact, are not rejecting faith per se but merely rejecting the suffocation.
Tehran’s instinct to be controlling amid the protests does not help. It shut down the internet, sealed borders, and grounded flights. That is both dangerous and inhumane. At the very least, communications must be restored, and airports reopened — even for foreigners, for vulnerable citizens, for students, for migrant families, including Filipinos married to Iranians who deserve safe passage.
For the Philippines, this bears special weight. An estimated 1,200–2,000 Filipinos reside in Iran, many married to Iranians or pursuing education, relationships that reflect cultural bonds, mutual respect, and shared life.
Of course, it is hoped that Pahlavi becomes the bridge to a better, imaginable future for Iran. But whether he succeeds in the coming days, weeks, or months is secondary. Iranians have decided they’re not waiting for a revolution – they will be it.
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