Mekeni is Capampangan for “come here.”

As the war in the Middle East drags on, it might benefit the Philippine government to go to Porac, Pampanga and check out how this family-owned meat processing business has survived and thrived through various crises:

The EDSA People Power 1986, when the company was founded; the 1991 Pinatubo eruption that covered most of Central Luzon in volcanic dust, lahar, and floods for about a decade; the 1996-1997 Asian financial crisis; the sporadic but systemic foot-and-mouth disease (FMD) and African swine fever (ASF) that wiped out the key ingredients in most of their finished products; the Covid-19 pandemic; and personal bereavements in its leadership.

“We were founded and have thrived in discomfort, not comfort,” said Mekeni president and CEO Prudencio “Pruds” Garcia.

Here, he offers three concrete lessons not just for businesses, but for policymakers searching for a roadmap in this age of BANI (brittle, anxious, non-linear, and incomprehensible):

1. Keep calm – and institutionalize calm leadership.

“Be calm, that’s my first obligation as leader of the company. Because of uncertainties, normal lang mag‑panic. Normal lang mag‑alala. But if your people see you as medyo na-sh‑shake, the panic spreads and multiplies,” Garcia said.

“In uncertainties, you have to pause, relax, and talk to the Lord, and listen to His message. You may not have the answer right away, but at least it will give you the peace of mind, the calmness, not just to think about yourself, but also the community and the country.”

“Besides, you cannot think clearly when you are panicking,” he added.

So he has instructed his executive committee to think up of ways to “tighten the belt” and “delay the impact” of the war on their workers, community, customers, and suppliers.

Policy lesson number 1: Model calm leadership.

And that means the country’s leaders must:

• Speak frankly about the risks from the Middle East war — on fuel, inflation, and remittances — through empowering messaging. For instance, massively get everyone’s participation in conserving energy, water, and other precious resources to help “delay the impact” of the war, extend the supply of these resources, and eventually shift to a green, circular economy, where reuse-reduce-recycle is a national mantra and an everyday habit.
• Lay out, in advance, trigger‑based responses. For instance, if oil breaches a certain level, or if a major shipping lane is disrupted, the government will start rationing fuel with a clear, logical, easy-to-understand, and easy-to-execute rationing plan.
• Communicate regularly and consistently so that everyone understands the plan and do not fill the information vacuum with rumors.

Mekeni’s experience shows that calm is the enabling condition for rational, humane crisis decisions.

2. Helping others is the best way to help yourself.

Mekeni’s most powerful lesson is deceptively simple and rooted in the Filipino concept of kapwa.

“The best time to help is not when you’re comfortable; the best time to help is kung nagsasa-suffer ka rin,” Garcia said.

This ethic, deeply ingrained by Garcia’s parents who founded the company, has shaped their response to all the crises they’ve faced and overcome. After the 1991 Pinatubo eruption, their Tatang asked three of the five Garcia sons who were working abroad to come home and rebuild their ash-covered community.

“All of us worked day and night to rebuild from the devastation of Pinatubo. Ang slogan namin: We have to survive. And for us to survive, we have to help others to survive,” Garcia said.

After an ASF attack on their brand and just as they were preparing a US launch, Covid‑19 arrived. Early on, management realized that the pandemic would last “years, not weeks,” and that their instinct to protect only the balance sheet would have devastating domino effects.

Instead, they made three counter‑intuitive moves:

• Pay suppliers “at least a week earlier than terms so suppliers could also provide for their own people.”
• Ensure that “ang sweldo, the latest is always on time, not one day after.”
• Rebuild their product mix “to avoid layoffs because we have to take care of our people.” Born as an employment buffer, their new “bayani lines” that include fish ball, kikiam, and siopao later became their first exports to the US. In other words, their people‑first approach opened new markets and revenue streams.

Now, with the war in the Middle East, the question for Mekeni management is how to shield “our people, the community, our customers, of course the suppliers” from the energy and logistics shock, even if the macro environment is beyond their control.

Policy lesson number 2: The country’s crisis architecture must reward and reinforce people‑first decisions.

That may mean government helps and fast-tracks the:

• Design of subsidy or support schemes that kick in quickly for firms that commit to no‑layoff or minimal‑layoff policies during defined shock periods.
• Short‑term financing and tax relief to firms that maintain on‑time payments to small suppliers, recognizing that this keeps entire local supply chains alive.
• Support of product diversification efforts — through technical assistance, export promotion, and regulatory flexibility — when firms pivot to protect jobs, as Mekeni did in its “bayani lines.”

The precept that “when you help others, you help yourself” is a description of how resilience is built from the bottom up.

3. Think global, act local.

From a small rural town in the Philippines, Mekeni has had to think like a global company. Its customers include overseas Filipinos, its inputs are exposed to volatile world prices, and its market is shaped by foreign outbreaks (FMD and ASF), pandemics, and now war.

When the Middle East conflict escalated, Garcia did not treat it as someone else’s problem. He immediately traced ripple effects on energy, logistics, and the orders of customers in the region.

At the same time, his concrete actions are disarmingly local: strengthen support for workers and nearby communities, recalibrate the company’s 40‑year plan because “the environment has changed,” and insist that while plans must change, “the goal cannot change: We have to be stronger for our people, for the community.”

Policy lesson number 3: Read the war globally, but respond locally.

For the Philippine government, that could mean:

• Granular mapping of barangays and sectors most exposed to Middle East risks: agri‑food chains heavily reliant on fuel and imported inputs, ports or logistics hubs vulnerable to route disruptions, and communities with high concentrations of OFW families.
• Targeting assistance — fuel discounts, logistics subsidies, credit guarantees, and social protection — into hotspots instead of spreading support too thinly.
• Working with LGUs, co‑ops, and business groups to co‑design local contingency plans. For example, transport sharing, community‑level energy conservation, and emergency income support tied to local public works (similar to TUPAD).

By thinking globally but acting locally, protections are concrete and felt where they are needed most.

‘Hindi ka dapat sumuko’

To the Garcias, crises are tests of leadership, integrity, and community. To them, the Mekeni story is about enduring crises with calm, compassion, and local action.

Come here, the Mekeni founder once told his sons in 1991. Help rebuild the community that allowed you to finish school and opened opportunities for the family.  

Through every crisis, Mekeni applied these three lessons together as a family, as a business, as a community — as one team.

“We have to work as a team. Hindi pwede ang kanya-kanyang kayod. We have to work toward one direction,” Pruds said.

Through all these crises, Mekeni has grown from about 20 employees in 1991 to 1,400 today. The 1,400 families who now depend on the company are the main reason Tatang ultimately pulled back his own fatherly advice for Pruds to sell, given after two brothers passed away during the pandemic and Pruds had resolved to sleep only four hours a night for two years to cover the work his brothers left behind.

“Hindi ka dapat sumuko.” You cannot give up because of them, his father told him.

The same inclination can sometimes run in public leadership, as there are limits to what one state can control in a global war. But within those limits, there is enormous room to choose calm over panic, people over short‑term profit, and grounded local action over abstract rhetoric — altogether and all together, working as one.

In the story of the Philippines, this war may be the one in which the country and its people emerge not unscathed, but still standing — because we never gave up on each other.

he took the most painful thing for any human being (perhaps even for other sentient creatures) — the loss of a child — and made that the measure of his love for humanity.

when my son got sick, my deeply catholic upbringing automatically bargained with god. i asked him to take me instead.

i’ve had a well-lived life: (for the most part) i’ve been clear-eyed and honest about myself, about what i see and feel, about what i judge and act on. i’ve lived many lifetimes.

take me, i pleaded on my knees. my son is still finding his way. he is just at the starting line of his journey to his purpose and meaning.

if god were a mother, she would not give up her child. she would offer hers instead. she would fiercely and fearlessly find another way to show her love for the world.

**

for over two millennia, the propaganda of the bible is that woman is weak, or as the millennial priest in our parish said, in a particularly superior and condescending tone, during a lenten mass a couple of weeks ago, “kayo kasing mga babae” in reference to eve’s partaking of the forbidden fruit.

to disobey an unexplained rule is to be banished from paradise.

why are curiosity and independence of thought and action penalizable sins?

an internal debate that has recently found some form of conclusion: if woman were really superior to man, how come we live in a man’s construct? that god is male? that most religions, as a social control mechanism and as a cultural pool that everyone swims in, are patriarchal and hierarchical?  

because woman allowed it. because woman is “not strong enough” to make the man god’s sacrifice for power, for the power to exercise some control over other people.  

The Philippine 2025 midterm elections saw millions of Filipinos participate, with over 68.4 million registered voters, including 1.24 million overseas voters, casting their ballots for more than 18,000 positions across the country.

Voters chose 12 senators, 254 district representatives, 63 party-list representatives, and nearly 18,000 local officials. Despite minor technical issues and delays in some areas, the elections proceeded with high voter participation and relatively peaceful conduct.

The voter turnout was notable, with more than 90% of local absentee voters—51,000 out of 57,000—casting their ballots, surpassing the 2019 midterm elections. Overseas voting was also a highlight, facilitated by a new internet voting system across 77 embassies and consulates, marking the first time such technology was used.

Voting commenced at 7 a.m. and concluded at 7 p.m., with early voting for senior citizens, persons with disabilities (PWDs), and pregnant women starting at 5 a.m.

A few areas, particularly in Mindanao, encountered delays due to election-related disruptions.

In Datu Odin Sinsuat, election materials were obstructed by poll rivals, resulting in extended voting hours in those locations.

Some technical complaints arose regarding automated counting machines (ACMs) that failed to accept shaded ballots. However, the Commission on Elections (Comelec) reported no declared election failures.

Despite these challenges, the overall situation remained orderly, with no major incidents threatening the integrity of the elections.

This year’s election was the first general election overseen by South Korean firm Miru Systems, which replaced Smartmatic as the provider of automated election systems. This transition was seen as an important step toward improving election security and efficiency, with local absentee voting (LAV) automated systems contributing to a smoother process for both voters and personnel.

EU election observers unable to fully access polling precincts

While the European Union (EU) was invited by the Philippine government to observe the 2025 National Midterm Elections, their Election Observation Mission (EOM) faced access restrictions.

In its press release, the EU EOM emphasized that its well-established methodology—used in over 75 countries over 25 years—requires unfettered access to polling precincts and canvassing centers to ensure a thorough and impartial assessment of the voting process.

Despite a prior agreement signed on March 12 granting the EU observers full access, the EU EOM reported that they were not granted the necessary guarantees for adequate access to polling precincts.

As a result, the EU mission could not observe the voting phase itself and had to scale back its deployment.

However, all EU observers would still be able to monitor the counting process after the polls closed at 7 p.m. today (May 12, Monday).

The EU EOM is expected to release its preliminary findings and conclusions in a press conference scheduled for May 14 at 11 a.m.

The mission continues to stress its commitment to objectivity, independence, and a comprehensive, long-term approach to election observation.

The Philippine Interisland Shipping Association (PISA) has formally requested the Department of Transportation (DOTr) to revoke the Philippine Ports Authority (PPA) Administrative Order No. 12-2019, which mandates the creation of a Centralized Ticketing System (CTS) for domestic roll-on/roll-Off (roro) and passenger ships.

In a letter to DOTr Secretary Vince Dizon, PISA, representing the country’s leading domestic shipping companies, argues that the order not only exceeds the legal scope of the PPA’s powers but also introduces economic and operational risks to the maritime sector.

The implementation of the CTS, PISA claims, would create unnecessary costs, disrupt operations, and inject uncertainty into an already challenging business environment.

“By centralizing ticketing under the government’s control, the PPA will severely disrupt an already functioning system and force companies to abandon their investments in their own booking platforms, which will certainly result in additional costs, inefficiencies, and business uncertainty,” according to the letter signed by PISA president, Mark Matthew F. Parco, and its executive director, Atty. Pedro G. Aguilar.

The association argues that the centralized ticketing system is redundant, given that many shipping companies already have efficient online ticketing platforms in place. PISA highlights systems such as Barkota, which are well-established and serve the needs of the sector without the interference of a government-mandated system.

PISA pointed out the financial burden associated with the CTS, which is expected to cost nearly P500 million. The funding for the project, PISA suggests, could be better utilized for improving port infrastructure, which would have a more direct impact on the quality of service provided to passengers and the efficiency of the industry.

The shipowners said the centralization of ticketing through a government-run system raises concerns about undue interference in the private sector.

They said that unlike land and air transport, where private entities manage their own ticketing operations, the maritime industry would face unprecedented levels of government control. This could lead to inefficiencies, particularly in times of technical failure or cyberattacks, as the system would become a single point of failure, affecting the entire shipping industry.

Moreover, PISA has expressed concerns over the lack of clear safeguards for data privacy under the CTS, exposing sensitive passenger information to the risk of breaches or misuse.

PISA also argues that the CTS would undermine the autonomy of shipping companies, forcing them to bear the operational costs and responsibilities, such as handling refunds, while the PPA would collect all fares and fees. This creates what PISA deems an “unfair” and “confiscatory” financial arrangement, adding to the economic strain on shipping operators.

Additionally, PISA warns that the CTS does not address key operational issues such as scalping or overloading. These matters, the association contends, are better handled through security measures and vessel inspections, not a centralized ticketing system.

PISA asserts that the PPA’s mandate to regulate ticketing and fare collection falls outside the authority granted to it by its charter, Presidential Decree No. 857.

“Its Charter does not empower the PPA to regulate the processing, booking, or collection of payments from passengers in as much as the PPA’s corporate authority is strictly limited to port operations and logistics, such as berthing, mooring, towing, docking, cargo handling, and warehousing. There is no mention of ticketing, fare collection, or any authority over the financial transactions between shipping operators and passengers,” the domestic shipowners said.

According to PISA, the PPA’s powers are limited to port operations and do not extend to regulating private business transactions like ticketing.

The order, PISA contends, violates the constitutional protection against laws that impair contractual obligations, particularly impacting the existing agreements between shipping companies and their ticketing providers.

In light of these concerns, PISA is calling for the immediate abrogation, annulment, or recall of PPA AO No. 12-2019. The association emphasizes the importance of focusing government efforts on enhancing port infrastructure and addressing the genuine needs of the maritime industry instead of imposing unnecessary, costly, and intrusive measures.

PISA represents major shipping companies involved in inter-island passenger and cargo services.

As the Philippines is an archipelago of over 7,600 islands, domestic shipping is the backbone of inter-island connectivity for people and goods. Government records show that domestic shipping carries over 90% of the country’s inter-island cargo volume, with passenger volume reaching tens of millions annually (over 30 million passengers per year pre-pandemic).

The domestic shipping industry contributes roughly 1.5% to 2% of the Philippines’ GDP. The sector supports direct employment of over 100,000 workers, including seafarers, port workers, and support staff. Indirectly, it supports millions more through logistics, trade, tourism, and MSMEs dependent on shipping.

Despite former U.S. President Donald Trump’s pronouncement of eliminating American foreign aid, including military assistance, two significant developments earlier this week seem to reaffirm the United States’ and the Philippines’ strong defense ties.

On February 5, the two countries’ defense chiefs held their first official call to discuss bilateral security cooperation. On the same day, the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) joined the U.S., Australia, and Japan in the 6th Multilateral Maritime Cooperative Activity (MMCA) within the country’s exclusive economic zone.

These two events come at a time when concerns grow over China’s aggression in the region.

In his introductory call with National Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro Jr., U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth reaffirmed Washington’s “ironclad” commitment to the 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT) and emphasized the importance of reestablishing deterrence in the South China Sea.

Trump’s defense chief pledged to work closely with the Philippines in enhancing the capability and capacity of the AFP, ensuring that Manila remains a key partner in maintaining regional stability in the Indo-Pacific.

Appearing to reinforce this commitment, the 6th MMCA, held within the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone also on February 5, saw the deployment of key naval and air assets from all four nations, including the AFP’s BRP Jose Rizal (FF150) and Philippine Air Force Search and Rescue (SAR) units. The United States contributed the USS Benfold (DDG65) and a P-8A Poseidon aircraft, while Australia deployed the HMAS Hobart (DDG39), and Japan sent the JS Akizuki (DD115).

The drills included communication exercises, maritime domain awareness operations, anti-submarine warfare, and tactical maneuvers, enhancing the interoperability of allied forces in ensuring security in the region.

“This activity demonstrates the strong cooperation and interoperability among our nations’ armed forces. Conducted in accordance with international law, the MMCA ensures safe navigation while respecting the rights and interests of all states,” said AFP Chief of Staff General Romeo Brawner Jr.

What’s at stake for PH?

While the U.S. has been a key source of military assistance for the Philippines, a potential cut in American aid could impact AFP modernization, EDCA infrastructure projects, and maritime security operations.

In July 2024, the U.S. committed to provide the Philippines $500 million in U.S. Foreign Military Financing for defense procurement and capability enhancement. The U.S. has also committed to airstrip repairs, command centers, and storage facilities in EDCA sites. A cut in resources to counter China’s aggression in the West Philippine Sea could weaken joint patrols, surveillance missions, and response capabilities in disputed waters.

Strategically, the Philippines has been strengthening its security ties beyond Washington. Japan and Australia have stepped up defense engagements, with Tokyo providing defense technology transfers and Canberra offering training support for the AFP.

As the world watches the return of Donald Trump to the White House, Undersecretary Ceferino Rodolfo of the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) has painted a fairly optimistic picture of the impact of Trump 2.0 presidency on Philippine economic interests.

“If you look at President Trump during his first administration, he was actually the only recent US president that welcomed a bilateral FTA (Free Trade Agreement) with the Philippines,” said Rodolfo at a recent European Chamber of Commerce of the Philippines (ECCP) event.

He said Trump expressed this pro-FTA sentiment during his 2017 visit to Manila for the ASEAN Summit.

More than that, the DTI official said, Trump’s then US Trade Representative (USTR), Robert Lighthizer, had even earmarked the Philippines as the likely first beneficiary of a Trump-era bilateral FTA.

Furthermore, Trump’s nominee for USTR, Jamieson Greer, served as Lighthizer’s chief of staff and has been known for his consistent advocacy of deeper trade ties between the US and the Philippines.

“We know him (Greer) quite well because of his involvement in the previous administration of Trump. Plus his track record when he tracked down all of his speeches when he already left office, they maintain the same welcoming attitude for a bilateral FTA with the Philippines,” Rodolfo said.

This continuity in leadership, the DTI official suggested, strengthens the likelihood of renewed FTA discussions between the two countries.

At the same time, Rodolfo said, Trump 2.0 coincides with the Republican Party’s control over both Houses of the US Congress, giving the US president a more favorable legislative landscape for pushing through such trade initiatives.

The DTI official pointed to another key development signaling this shift: Senator Marco Rubio’s confirmation as US Secretary of State.

Diversify foreign investment sources

Rodolfo said Rubio “filed way back in June 2024, a Philippines-US Strategic Economic and Security Partnership Act that, among others, called for renegotiation of a critical minerals agreement with the Philippines and instructing all US government agencies to look for ways to support the Philippines in terms of closer economic relations including by funding whatever is needed so that we can process more of our critical minerals.”

Given all these and the Philippines’ vast reserves of nickel, copper, and other essential minerals being crucial to America’s green energy transition and defense industries, the country could gain significant investments, particularly in mining, processing, and infrastructure development.

“In summary, looking at what happened in the [US] congressional hearings, looking at the confirmation process of the key officials, key cabinet secretaries in Trump’s administration, we really foresee a net positive impact on Philippines-US relations,” Rodolfo said.

Nevertheless, while the Philippines is eager to capitalize on renewed US interest, Rodolfo said the country must continue to diversify foreign investment sources, aligning with the government’s Strategic Investment Priority Plan (SIPP) and CREATE MORE initiative, which seek to enhance the country’s competitiveness as an investment hub.

The trade official said the country must not lose momentum in its negotiations with the European Union for a Philippines-EU FTA. He said the EU currently has a head start, with both parties already in the second round of talks.

Rodolfo said the Philippines is also diversifying its investment attraction strategy beyond the US and the EU, with Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea emerging as key targets for economic partnerships.

The Philippines continues to emerge as one of the most resilient and fastest-growing economies in the region, fueled by a young and talented population, a burgeoning middle class, and robust remittances. But what must the country do to sustain its economic momentum?

At Thursday’s launch of the business guidebook “Doing Business in the Philippines 2025,” Paulo Duarte, president of the European Chamber of Commerce of the Philippines (ECCP), said the Philippines has the potential to solidify its position as a prime investment destination.

“We all agree that the Philippine economy has made significant strides, overcoming recent challenges and positioning itself for sustained growth,” said Duarte. “This presents exciting opportunities for deeper collaboration and partnership with Europe and European companies.”

Duarte noted several factors contributing to the Philippines’ growth:

• Resilient economy: A projected 6 percent GDP growth for 2024, driven by remittances from over 10 million overseas Filipino workers, which are expected to surpass $35 billion by the end of the year.
• Moderated inflation: Inflation averaged 3.2 percent in 2024, staying within the government’s target range.
• Youthful demographics: The Philippines’ young and dynamic population, coupled with exceptional English proficiency, remains its greatest asset.

These strengths position the country as a competitive player in the region, but Duarte acknowledged that more needs to be done.

Duarte pointed to recent reforms that create a favorable investment climate, including:

• CREATE MORE Act: Strengthening fiscal and non-fiscal incentives, streamlining approval processes, and enhancing the Philippines’ global investment appeal.
• Green Lane for Strategic Investments: Accelerating the approval of 176 projects valued at P4.5 trillion, particularly in renewable energy and digital infrastructure.
• Ease of Doing Business Measures: Executive Order 32, which simplifies permitting for telecommunications and internet infrastructure, addressing long-standing connectivity challenges.
• Build Better More Program: Over 186 flagship infrastructure projects worth close to P10 trillion aimed at addressing critical infrastructure gaps.

Additionally, the government has embraced innovation with initiatives such as the Industry 4.0 Pilot Factory and the National Artificial Intelligence Strategy Roadmap 2.0. These measures aim to future-proof industries and drive productivity through cutting-edge technologies.

Despite these advancements, challenges remain. “According to the 2024 World Competitiveness Report, the Philippines ranks 52nd out of 67 countries,” Duarte said. “While government efficiency has improved, setbacks in infrastructure and business efficiency are holding the country back.”

The ECCP’s 2024 Business Sentiment Survey reveals that while 53 percent of respondents see improvements in ease of doing business, 75 percent still identify barriers to investment and operations.

“This should not defeat us but rather encourage us to work even harder,” Duarte said.

Moving forward, Duarte said bolstering both physical and digital infrastructure is important to attract more investments and foster sustainable economic growth. He also said ECCP is committed to advocacy, with 365 initiatives carried out in 2024 alone.

At the same time, the ECCP remains optimistic about the upcoming EU-Philippines Free Trade Agreement negotiations, which are expected to strengthen ties between Europe and the Philippines.

“Our agenda focuses on driving increased trade and investments, advocating for policies, and promoting economic liberalization,” Duarte said. “We also highlight sustainability and digitalization, aligned with the Green Economy Program and the European Green Deal.”

As the Philippines continues to position itself as a dynamic and forward-looking economy, the ECCP pledges to work closely with both European and local partners to ensure long-term growth and prosperity. Veronica Uy

For those looking to navigate the complexities of setting up shop in the vibrant Philippine market, the European Chamber of Commerce of the Philippines (ECCP) on Thursday released the ultimate resource, the “Doing Business in the Philippines 2025” guidebook.

Unveiled in collaboration with DivinaLaw and the Philippine Board of Investments, this comprehensive publication is a must-have for potential investors and entrepreneurs. Packed with valuable information and insights, the guidebook simplifies processes such as business registration and permitting, offering step-by-step instructions and highlighting the roles of relevant government agencies.

“Today, we are pleased to unveil the latest edition of the Doing Business in the Philippines guidebook, a collaborative effort by the Chamber in tripartite with DivinaLaw and the Board of Investments of the Philippines,” said ECCP president Paulo Duarte.

“This cornerstone publication…remains an invaluable resource for businesses navigating the Philippine market, providing critical insights into the country’s investment environment, regulatory framework, and economic landscape,” he added.

Key features of the guidebook include:
• A detailed breakdown of fiscal and non-fiscal incentives available under recent reforms.
• Specific regulations for the four focus industries: renewable energy, financial technology, real estate, and mining.
• Expanded content on immigration laws, providing clarity on naturalization procedures for expatriates.
• A look at how businesses can align with global trends, such as the Green Economy Program and the European Green Deal.

“Through this guidebook, we equip investors with the tools and knowledge necessary to make sound decisions and capitalize on the vast opportunities the Philippines has to offer,” Duarte said.

He also shared a lighter moment: “We are very happy that Undersecretary Perry (Ceferino Rodolfo of the Department of Trade and Industry) packed 50 or more of these [guidebooks] to bring to Amsterdam” this weekend in his meeting with European businessmen.

Acknowledging both progress and challenges, Duarte said, “With renewed energy and focus on improving the ease of doing business in the Philippines, we are ready to navigate the evolving landscape and needs of the Philippine economy. While there are positive developments, challenges remain.”

He noted that “75 percent of respondents in our latest ECCP business sentiment survey say that there are still barriers to investment and the overall ease of doing business in the country. This should not defeat us but rather encourage us to work even harder to improve.”

European Union Ambassador to the Philippines Massimo Santoro, Norwegian Ambassador Christian Halaas Lyster, and other key government and private sector leaders attended the guidebook launch.

Duarte said that with its dynamic population, high English proficiency, and robust GDP growth forecast of 6 percent in 2024, the Philippines is poised to attract global investors—and this guidebook might just be the roadmap they need.

About 130,000 Filipino seafarers are set to gain access to training in green technologies through a new partnership between the Associated Marine Officers’ and Seamen’s Union of the Philippines (AMOSUP) and Danish startup Aprendio.

The Memorandum of Understanding, signed during the official visit of Danish Foreign Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen, aims to expand the Green Skills Academy’s offerings to AMOSUP members, primarily seafarers and engineers.

The academy will provide a strong foundation in green technologies, equipping Filipino maritime professionals for future roles in the global green transition, especially with Danish companies seeking skilled workers in sustainable industries, according to the Danish Embassy in the Philippines.

The agreement was among five key documents signed during Minister Rasmussen’s two-day visit to the Philippines on December 9-10. This marked the first visit by a Danish foreign minister in 25 years, reflecting a renewed commitment to strengthen bilateral ties.

Other agreements included a Memorandum of Understanding on Digital Cooperation focusing on cybersecurity, e-governance, and digital connectivity, and a Joint Letter of Intent on the sustainable recruitment of Filipino nurses and healthcare assistants to Denmark.

A notable highlight was a Letter of Intent on a Green Corridor Project, under which the Philippines will collaborate with the U.S. and Denmark on a pre-feasibility study to establish a green shipping corridor. The study, guided by the Mærsk Mc-Kinney Møller Center for Zero Carbon Shipping, will explore alternative fuels, port infrastructure, and relevant trade regulations to advance sustainable maritime practices.

Minister Rasmussen also visited Manila Central University College to learn about the Philippines’ nurse training programs, reflecting Denmark’s interest in upskilling Filipino healthcare professionals.

The minister’s visit underscored the importance of promoting open and secure seaways for global trade and political stability while fostering closer cooperation between Denmark and the Philippines, which have shared 78 years of diplomatic relations.

This landmark visit also highlighted record-high Danish investments in the Philippines, fueled by the country’s sustained economic growth, signaling an optimistic outlook for future partnerships.

As the Philippines faces China’s aggression in the West Philippine Sea, Denmark on Monday expressed its commitment to supporting maritime freedom and the rule-based international order.

This was made during Foreign Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen’svisit to the Philippine Coast Guard (PCG) headquarters, where he expressed Denmark’s solidarity with the Philippines in addressing maritime security challenges in the region.

“I decided to visit the Coast Guard because as you know, Denmark is a small country but we are quite a big maritime nation. So the freedom to navigate is crucial for us and it’s crucial for the world trade and it’s crucial for everybody,” Rasmussen said.

“So I’m here to witness firsthand the challenges linked to the Philippines upholding her own territory and to listen about, you know, incidents with the Chinese Coast Guard and what we can do about all this,” he added.

Rasmussen and the PCG officials talked about PCG’s capacity to respond effectively to maritime threats, noting the stark disparity between the resources of the Philippines and those of China. He said they also discussed how Denmark can support the Philippines in the international stage.

“One is about capacity. What is the capacity of the Philippine Coast Guard? What would be done to improve that because it’s totally disbalanced towards China,” he said.

“But perhaps even more importantly, since Denmark is now joining also the UN Security Council, it’s the international law what would be done in international forum to force all countries including China to uphold the regulations in the conventions,” he added.

Asked how Denmark may show support in terms of ensuring freedom of navigation and rule based order in the Philippines, the foreign minister said that Denmark speaks up in all international forum whenever they are given the opportunity.

“We can do our utmost in all international areas advocating that all countries have to abide to the regulations,” he said.

PCG spokesman Commodore Algier Ricafrente confirmed the discussion points between the two parties.

Ricafrente said the Danish foreign minister’s visit is about the possibility of “enhanced cooperation” between the two countries’ coast guards in terms of the PCG’s modernization and capacity-building that includes training on skills, leadership, and international law and conventions for “commonality of interpretation.”

The visit underscores Denmark’s recognition of the Philippines as a key player in the Indo-Pacific region’s security and stability. Rasmussen’s engagement with the PCG reflects a growing global consensus on the need to address maritime disputes through peaceful means and adherence to international law.